In Part 1 of this long-form article, I outlined Giorgio Agamben’s theory of the “state of exception,” and proposed that the Palestinian people both inside and outside of Palestine have long been held in a state of exception by the Zionist settler-colonial project/regime in Palestine (and with the help of the imperial core). This state of exception, I argued, materializes in various forms throughout Palestine, but has always been fundamentally based on ongoing processes of dispossession. From the British Mandate, to the 1947-8 Nakba, to the onset of today’s genocide, Palestinian life has been reduced to worthless “bare life” in the state of exception. Only by understanding the last century of reconstitution of Palestinian life as worthless by the Zionist project can we understand their extermination by the Zionist regime of Israel today.
Here, in the second part of my article, I engage directly with Israel’s ongoing genocide. A full list of citations for both parts can be found below the footnotes.
I: Extermination
The Nazis, besides being the most well-known eugenicists, are also the most well-known architects of the camp. For Agamben, the camp is the biopolitical technology by which the state of exception is formalized and guaranteed; the camp is “the space that is opened when the state of exception becomes the rule.”[1] The (semi-)permanent spatial arrangement of the camp concretizes the separation of “life unworthy of being lived” from ‘worthy’ life.[2] Life unworthy to be lived is stripped of value—reduced to bare life, to mere facticity—in the same stroke that worthy life is (re-)affirmed as valuable/victorious. The borders of the camp, then, are the borders between “two different species”[3]—the undesirable, superfluous species inside the camp and the valuable, superior species outside the camp.
The Nazi concentration & extermination camps were not unique in their basic operations and intentions, though they remain the most efficient and productive at their task of dispensing total control and mass-death. The earliest camps emerged decades before the rise of the Nazis to power, as a mechanism for the spatial partitioning, control, and repression of colonized populations; “the camp form emerged on the cusp of the twentieth century (between 1896 and 1907) as part of colonial war in Cuba, the Philippines, South Africa, and the then-German-controlled African Southwest.”[4] The argument advanced by anti-colonial revolutionaries such as Aimé Césaire, that Hitlerism consisted above all in Western Europe turning the practices of its own colonial apparatus against itself, is no mere metaphor.[5]
As a site of colonial repression, enclosure, and now liquidation of an indigenous population by a settler-colonial killing machine, Gaza is not an open-air prison so much as it is an extraordinary manifestation of the biopolitical technology of the camp. While the prison acts as a visible imprint of the violence of the law-in-itself, the camp, as has been said, acts as the concrete materialization of the state of exception, where law remains silent.
The Palestinians in Gaza are abandoned by the law, reduced to bare life in the state of exception. Yet their abandonment by the law is precisely that which consigns them to the unrestricted, unmediated ‘mercy’ of the sovereign, to whom they are insolubly bound.[6] The encampment—the making into a camp—of the Gaza Strip sets the Palestinians of Gaza up to be killed with impunity, as they have been over the past eight months. Never has Palestinian life entered such a radically “intimate symbiosis with death.”[7]
The architecture of Gaza is that of the camp—since October 7th, it is that of the extermination camp. The ‘kill zones’ arbitrarily imposed all around Gaza evoke America’s WW2-era Japanese internment camps, where fleeing detainees were shot by wandering guards as a matter of routine.[8] The sprawls of tents and improvised huts full of starving people evoke the concentration camps constructed by the British and the Germans in southern Africa at the beginning of the 20th century. The walls surrounding Gaza evoke the concrete and wire that enclosed Auschwitz in all directions, outside of which the screams were ignored, quietly beared, or delighted in. It is impossible not to think of the inmates in all the Nazi concentration and extermination camps, or even the 19th-century ‘famine camps’ of British India,[9] in response to the many images recently published, on social media and in the news, of Palestinians reduced to desiccated husks by illness and starvation.
The reconstitution of Gaza as a death camp is somewhat novel, as compared to historical death camps, in that its engine of systematic mass-murder is uniquely technologically advanced and uniquely dependent on dispensing death from the air. An investigation by the Israeli 972+ Magazine, the results of which were published early in April this year, revealed Israel’s extensive use of state-of-the-art artificial intelligence to “generate targets” for bombing at a pace that would otherwise be impossible. One AI program, nicknamed “Where’s Daddy?,” has been used “specifically to track the targeted individuals and carry out bombings when they had entered their family’s residences.”[10] Israel’s well-documented intent to commit genocide against Palestinians in Gaza[11] fits perfectly with the use of these AI programs, which allow a semblance of plausible deniability by displacing responsibility on to the AI programs themselves (i.e., on the basis of technological errors or lack of human intent to harm civilians).
As of April 24, Israel had dropped over 70,000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip—an unprecedented amount in a relatively small space.[12] Israeli airstrikes have consistently targeted densely-packed civilian areas, including designated “safe zones,” as well as key infrastructure for food, water, healthcare, electricity, education, and more. Recently, airstrikes have targeted areas such as a makeshift tent complex and a UN school housing over 20,000 of the over a million internally-displaced Palestinians in Gaza.[13] All death camps have a central means by which they systematize their killing. In the Gaza death camp, the air strike is that central means. It is also one of many means by which Palestinians trapped in Gaza are radically dehumanized.
Palestinians in Gaza are radically dehumanized by the fixed arrangement of camp-space that radically excludes them from the ‘civilized’ society of Israel proper. The immeasurable suffering in Gaza signifies the profound success of Israel’s ethno-nationalist settler-colonial project; the inhumanity of the Palestinian is affirmed by the ‘animalization’ of their existence while the civilized humanity of the Israeli Jew is affirmed by the impression of absolute power and control given off by their sovereign order.[14] Animalization/dehumanization is a constant in the reduction of those in the state of exception to bare life. Palestinians are dehumanized, and therefore reduced to bare life, by the imposition of distance in the form of the drone camera and the sniper scope; by the decimation of all signifiers of worthy life (hospitals and universities, for example); by the reduction of recognizably human bodies to undifferentiated masses of mangled parts (such as in mass graves);[15] by strippings, blindfoldings, and zip-tieings;[16] and by use as lab rats for medical training and casual experimentation by a whole host of Mengeles in miniature.[17]
The current-day genocide of the Palestinians is prosecuted not just in the name of the sovereign, but also in the name of the whole body of the Jewish people,[18] whose well-being must be secured against threats of extinction, such as that purportedly posed by Hamas.[19] Unjustified fear of annihilation of ‘the race’ (or ethnic group)—we must annihilate ‘them’ or they will annihilate ‘us’—forms part of the normative basis for most historical racial/ethnic atrocities and wars of extermination.[20] The new-Jewish settler-colonist, who identifies himself[21] with the sovereign, proves his worth by killing instead of being killed. Israel, laundering genocide through its “right to defend itself,” is walking a well-tread path.
The semantic sleight of hand by which Zionists conflate the modern nation-state of Israel’s ‘right to exist’ with the right for Jewish people as such to live (or to be deemed worthy of life) further exemplifies the identification of the sovereign and the body of the people.[22] It marks the total subsumption of the political within the biopolitical.[23] It is no coincidence that Israel’s ‘right to exist’ is commonly invoked to declare the necessity of mass-murdering and dispossessing Palestinians. Israel’s ‘right to exist’ demands the non-existence of Palestine and Palestinians with the force of necessity–a reflection of the “logic of elimination” structuring the exercise of settler-colonial power.[24] The encampment of Gaza has galvanized and mobilized the entire Zionist apparatus to meet the demand for non-existence.
As Michel Foucault identified, in response to the spread of eugenicism and genocide in the 20th century, massacres have become a vital principle for the affirmation of worthy life.[25] The long history of Israeli reference to Palestinians as a disease that must be cured fits perfectly with the genocidal reality of Israel’s biopolitical practice.[26] The extermination camp of current-day Gaza is a site for the liquidation of undesirables, with the biopolitical function of ensuring and increasing the vitality of Israeli Jewish life via the negation of Palestinian life. Exterminating tens of thousands (soon to be hundreds of thousands, if not already) of Palestinians in the Gaza extermination camp via systematic bombing, mass executions, sniper fire, illness, and starvation is a simple necessity to guarantee the absolute sovereignty of Israel’s Zionist ethnocracy.
II: Exception as Rule
The state of exception guaranteed by the ‘encampment’ of great masses of lives deemed unworthy of life has always been beneficial to those eager to profit by means of murder, as well as to sovereign powers aiming to increase their capacity to dominate. Butchery on a grand scale reaps rewards on an equally grand scale for the firms, institutions, and governments invested in the machinery behind the butchery.
The state of exception under which Palestinians live and die is utilized by arms manufacturers to “field-test” new weaponry and surveillance technologies. These technologies of control and domination are then folded back into the operations of sovereign power. In other words, soon these technologies will no longer be ‘exceptional.’ Many of the technologies used to force the Palestinian people into a state of exception are already utilized and folded into the realm of the law by sovereign powers all over the world.[27]
One of the most widely adopted pieces of technology is the “Heron” drone, which was used for contactless mass-surveillance of Palestinians for years (and which still plays a role in Israel’s exercise of panoptic power on over Palestinians), before being adopted by the European Union’s European Border and Coast Guard Agency—commonly known as Frontex—for the purpose of preventing refugees from entering the EU. Frontex intentionally leaves many refugees to drown in the sea or to suffer in Libyan detention centers.[28] Israeli border control technology, first used to strengthen Israel’s segregated checkpoint/wall regime, is also commonly used by the EU. This tech includes, “digital barriers, observation towers, a steel wall, a ‘sound cannon’ to deafen arrivals, virtual border-guard interview machines, and lie detectors powered by artificial intelligence.”[29] American police train with the IDF.[30] The Israeli corporations behind Israel’s violent domination of Palestinians provide military equipment for U.S.-Mexico border control.[31] Israel and Israeli corporations have advised right-wing coups and armed death squads throughout Latin America.[32] Again, we see that the inside and outside of the law are co-constitutive forces. They are interlaced.
According to Agamben, the inside and outside of the law have tended to increasingly overlap, even to the point of indistinguishability. As is clearly the case in Palestine, the law everywhere “lives off the exception.”[33] The interpenetration of the political technologies of the state of exception and the sovereign law in the case of Palestine indicate this fundamental undecidability, which itself indicates the dual existence of each and every one of us as both worthy life and bare life. Thus Nelson Mandela’s declaration, “our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians,”[34] must be taken both as a profound truth and as a concrete fact, grounded in the material conditions enforced by the global order of capitalism/imperialism/colonialism.
Footnotes
Agamben, Homo Sacer, 169. ↑
Agamben, Homo Sacer, 140. ↑
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. R. Philcox (New York: Grove Press, 2005), 5. ↑
Achille Mbembe, Necropolitics, trans. S. Corcoran (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2019), 123. ↑
Aime Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism, trans. Joan Pinkham (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), 39. ↑
Agamben, Homo Sacer, 110. ↑
Agamben, Homo Sacer, 100. ↑
Yaniv Kubovitch, “Israel Created Kill Zones in Gaza. Anyone Who Crosses into them is Shot,” Haaretz, May 31, 2024. ↑
Aidan Forth, Barbed-Wire Imperialism: Britain’s Empire of Camps: 1876-1903, (California: University of California Press, 2017). ↑
Yuval Abraham, “‘Lavender’: The AI machine directing Israel’s bombing spree in Gaza,” April 3, 2024. ↑
Law for Palestine, “Law for Palestine Releases Database with 500+ Instances of Israeli Incitement to Genocide — Continuously Updated,” Law for Palestine, January 4, 2024. ↑
Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, “200 days of military attack on Gaza: A horrific death toll amid intl. failure to stop Israel’s genocide of Palestinians,” Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, April 24, 2024. ↑
Tessa Stuart, “Aid Workers Describe Inferno, Bodies ‘Burned Beyond Recognition’ In Rafah,” Rolling Stone, May 30, 2024; A. Salman, R. Picheta, & A. Goodwin, “Israel strike on UN school that left dozens dead used US munitions, CNN analysis finds, CNN, June 6, 2024. ↑
Alex MacDonald, “Gaza detainees ‘urinated on, made to act like animals’ by Israeli forces, Unrwa says,” Middle East Eye, April 17, 2024. ↑
United Nations. “Mass graves in Gaza show victims’ hands were tied, says UN rights office.” UN News, April 23, 2024. ↑
Middle East Monitor. “Israeli military converts Gaza stadium into mass detention camp.” Middle East Monitor, December 26, 2023. ↑
CNN’s International Investigations and Visuals teams. “Strapped down, blindfolded, held in diapers: Israeli whistleblowers detail abuse of Palestinians in shadowy detention center.” CNN, May 11, 2024. ↑
The notion of a Jewish people invoked by Israel is a distinctly modern creation, imagined into being by both modern anti-semites and political Zionists. Historically, there has existed a tremendous diversity of Jewish peoples, in the plural. This is still the case in the modern day, to a significant degree. See Sand, Invention. For a detailed elaboration of the destruction and erasure of Jewish cultures & communities as a constitutive element of the Zionist project, see Ella Shohat, “Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of its Jewish Victims,” Social Text no. 19/20 (Autumn 1988): 1-35. ↑
For an example of this us-or-them rhetoric, see Laurence Milstein, “Genocide and Hamas Go Hand in Hand,” American Jewish Committee Global Voice, May 16, 2024. Also see Reuters, “Israel’s UN delegates criticised for wearing yellow stars as ‘symbols of pride,’ Reuters, October 31, 2023, which includes an illustrative quote from the chairman of Israel’s Yad Vashem Holocaust Remembrance Center: “The yellow patch symbolises the helplessness of the Jewish people and being at the mercy of others . . . . Today we have an independent country and a strong army. We are masters of our destiny.” ↑
Stuart J. Kaufman, Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2001), 38: “even atrocities have to have a normative basis, which should consist of two components: a mythical belief that opponents tend to engage in atrocities and a normative view that retaliatory atrocities are morally acceptable . . . . ethnic violence is always defined defensively[.]” ↑
The new Jew is a decidedly masculine phenomenon. In historical Zionist discourse, the new Jew’s masculinity is commonly juxtaposed with the supposed feminine weakness of his forebears (such as the European Jews exterminated in the Nazi death camps). See Pappe, The Idea of Israel. ↑
For an illustrative example of this trope, see World Jewish Congress, “Antisemitism defined: Why opposing the Jewish people’s right to self-determination is antisemitic,” May 12, 2022. Throughout the article, “the right of the Jewish people to exist as a people” is entirely conflated with “Israel’s right to exist,” and the right for Jewish people to defend themselves from persecution is entirely conflated with the right of Israel to “defend itself.” ↑
When Zionists speak of Israel’s ‘right to exist,’ they are actually speaking of Israel’s ‘right to exist’ specifically in the form of a Jewish ethno-state. ↑
Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism,” 387. Wolfe’s clarification, that “Settler colonialism is inherently eliminatory but not invariably genocidal,” explains how the logic of elimination can apply outside of genocidal episodes. The logic of elimination can be materialized via dispossession of land and property, fragmentation, and cultural erasure, for example. All of these dimensions of elimination are necessary to the Zionist project, as discussed. ↑
Foucault, The History of Sexuality, 137. ↑
Pappe, The Idea of Israel, 49. ↑
Antony Loewenstein, The Palestine Laboratory: How Israel Exports the Technology of Occupation Around the World (New York: Verso Books, 2023). ↑
Loewenstein, Ch. 4. ↑
Loewenstein, 170. ↑
Edith Garwood, “With Whom are Many U.S. Police Departments Training? With a Chronic Human Rights Violator — Israel,” Amnesty International, August 25, 2016. ↑
Jimmy Johnson, “A Palestine-Mexico Border,” NACLA, June 12, 2012. ↑
Alex Aviña, “A Future of Walls or Liberation,” Foreign Exchanges, December 19, 2023. ↑
Agamben, Homo Sacer, 27. ↑
Nelson Mandela, “Address by President Nelson Mandela at International Day for Solidarity with the Palestinian People, Pretoria,” mandela.gov.za, December 4, 1997. ↑
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